ISLAM
Wafa Sultan, fd. muslim nu sekulär, ger världens muslimer några väl riktade ord i denna korta video.
Tänk om världens muslimer vore hälften så intelligenta som hon, då kanske vi slapp alla dessa krig och detta så fruktansvärt onödiga lidande världen över… men det är nog att hoppas på för mycket.
Arvin Khoshnood om Iran
Inget ”valfusk” i Iran
Publicerad: 2009-06-14 Läs hela inlägget på newsmill
Media framställer läget i Iran som “revolution” och “statskupp”. Inte alla dock håller med i detta. Arvin Khoshnood, exiliransk oppositionell och studerande vid Lunds universitet, anser att händelsen i Iran endast är en intern maktkamp mellan två grupperingar inom islamiska regimen. Protesterna handlar inte om demokrati och frihet, skriver han.
För att summera: Det har inte skett valfusk i Iran då ingen val har tagit plats. Det finns ingen skillnad mellan Mousavi, Ahmadinjead och de övriga två kandidaterna till presidentposten. De konkurrerar om ökad makt och rikedom, och därmed orsaken till de gatuslagsmål som pågår i Iran idag. De vanliga folken som vill ha ett sekulär demokratiskt Iran är inte med i detta. Därmed är ingen revolution på gång. Dessa kandidater och grupperingar enas så fort islamiska republiken är hotad av externa grupperingar som de olika iranska oppositionsgrupperna med bas i exil. Samtidigt bör det has i åtanke att samtliga iranska oppositionsgrupper i exil (monarkister, kommunister, mujahedin med mera) har fördömt valet och tar avstånd från det som sker i Iran. Det enda vägen till demokrati i Iran är Regime Change!
What Tehran fears most
By: Hamid Irani Source: RFE/RL, Friday, 09 January 2009When Iranian foreign policy is mentioned, one image that immediately comes to mind is of the brash rantings of radical fundamentalist President Mahmud Ahmadinejad. But one of Tehran’s major foreign-policy priorities that is rarely mentioned publicly is to perpetuate the blacklisting by the West of the principal Iranian opposition force.
European Union officials make no secret of the fact that it was at the request of the Iranian government that they branded the People’s Mujahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI, aka Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization) a terrorist organization in 2002. “The Wall Street Journal” reported in October 2008 that Tehran has made securing the blacklisting of the PMOI as a terrorist organization a diplomatic priority .
In a report released in March 2008, the Foreign Affairs Committee of the British Parliament said that member of Parliament (MPs) who visited Iran in November 2007 were struck by the number of times that Iranian officials raised the issue of the PMOI. Those MPs formed the impression that the PMOI had almost become an “obsession.” “It was on their program, they wanted us to talk about it, and they raised it in lots of contexts,” the report said . The question thus arises: what is it about the PMOI that Ahmadinejad’s regime fears?
The PMOI is unquestionably the best-organized opposition movement to the ayatollahs’ regime. Some 4,000 PMOI members, men and women of all ages, are currently based in Camp Ashraf in Iraq. Over the past three decades, Tehran has executed 120,000 of the group’s members. A fatwa issued by then-Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini in the summer of 1988 and later made public by his chief deputy led to the execution of over 30,000 political prisoners because of their membership of the PMOI .
Yet despite those reprisals, the group remains the greatest threat to the religious theocracy. In 2002, it was the first to expose Iran’s clandestine nuclear weapons program and its uranium-enrichment and heavy-water reactor sites, leading to Tehran’s international isolation and three rounds of UN Security Council sanctions. Domestically, the group is working on university campuses to mobilize antigovernment protests. Iranian state media announced in November the arrest of 20 people in northern Tehran for systematically sending out SMS text messages on mobile phones in support of the group. The PMOI has also exposed Iranian meddling abroad, thereby undermining Tehran’s goal of expanding its influence over its neighbors. Most importantly, however, it is the principal member of the coalition capable of replacing the theocratic dictatorship with a democratic, pluralist republic and a secular government.
A ‘Third Option’ On Iran
The National Council of Resistance of Iran, the Paris-based parliament-in-exile of which the PMOI is a leading member, rejects both foreign military intervention and continuation of the West’s appeasement policy toward the mullahs. Instead, it advocates a “third option,” in the form of democratic change brought about by the Iranian people and the organized resistance. Over 70,000 Iranians gathered in Paris in June 2008 to express their support for this “third option”. Maryam Rajavi, president-elect of the Resistance coalition, has urged European governments and successive U.S. administrations to impose comprehensive sanctions on the regime and at the same time to abandon the one misguided element in the West’s policy that has emboldened Tehran to step up repression and terrorism. For years now, in various European parliaments, Rajavi has urged the European Union and United States to lift the ban on the PMOI. The group found itself on the EU’s terrorist list in 2002, one year after the United Kingdom proscribed the group. European and U.S. officials have conceded that the ban was meant to curry favor with the mullahs who rule the world’s fourth-largest oil-producing state.
In 2006, however, the European Court of First Instance (CFI) suddenly annulled on procedural grounds the inclusion of the PMOI on the EU blacklist. A year later, the British High Court looked in detail at all the open and closed evidence and ruled that it was “flawed” and “perverse” to label the PMOI as terrorist. That ruling was upheld in May 2008 by the Court of Appeal, headed by the lord chief justice, and the group was de-proscribed in Britain by both Houses of Parliament after a unanimous vote.
Though legally required to lift the ban after the court rulings, the EU Council of Ministers maintained it at France’s request. President Nicolas Sarkozy’s government even pressured the EU’s 27 member states to defy a second European Court ruling in October 2008 annulling the group’s terror label . Then in December, the European Court of First Instance annulled for a third time the EU ban on the PMOI, handing down the fastest-ever verdict in its history, in less than 24 hours .
The CFI judges were quite simply convinced that the EU is acting illegally in banning the group. The court even rejected a request by the EU Council of Ministers and France to maintain the ban until after an eventual appeal. The EU will have to decide by the end of this month whether it will maintain the ban on the group in defiance of seven British and European high-court rulings. And it will be up to the administration of incoming U.S. President Barack Obama to reverse the ban in the United States in light of in-depth court investigations concluding that the group is not involved in terrorism.
If justice and the rule of law mean anything in today’s world, the ban on the PMOI will soon be lifted, allowing this powerful opposition force to direct all its resources towards replacing the present regime with a democratic, secular government. It will also send a strong signal to the Iranian people that the international community is no longer prepared to offer support to a regime that oppresses them, and thereby fuel the momentum for change. It is in this context the regime so fears the de-listing of the PMOI.
Hamid Irani is a London-based researcher and expert on Iranian affairs
Females executed in Iran, age 10-17
For additional information about each of these girls and eye witness accounts, click the link at the bottom. The typical treatment however was, and still is, savage torture, brainwashing and before the execution rape of the virgins “to prevent them from going to heaven”. And of course, the real number of executed female children and schoolgirls are much higher.
All in the name of Allah…
» Azar Abdi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Shahla Abdi Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Mitra Afshari Age 17 Execution Iran » Zahra Ahmadi Zadeh Tarakomi Asl Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 29, 1981, Tehran, Iran » Maqdam Akbari Age 17 Execution Iran » Nasrin Akbari Age 17 Execution Iran » Narges Al Hasheam Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, March 8, 1983, Gorgan, Iran » Raziyeh Al Taher Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, October 19, 1981, Tehran, Iran » Hurieh Alai’ni Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Ma’sumeh Alimohamadi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Ma’sumeh Amini Age 17 Execution Iran » Zahra Amuzeidy Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Shahlah Anbuzadeh Age 17 Execution Iran » Gilan Andisheh Age 15 Execution Iran » Fariba Ansari Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Nasrin Aqa’ali-Sichani Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, April 27, 1983, Shiraz, Iran » Nasrin Aqaali-Sichani Age 17 Execution Iran » Mahnaz Asadi Age 16 Execution Iran » Nafiseh Ashraf-Jahani Age 10 Execution Iran » Fereshteh Azali Age 16 Execution Iran » Farzaneh Azani Age 17 Execution Iran » Zeinab Ba’i Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, February 20, 1983, Gorgan, Iran » Sudabeh Baqayi Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, November 29, 1981, Tehran, Iran » Sediqeh Bayati Komitki Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 16, 1981, Esfahan, Iran » Zeynab Bayi Age 16 Execution Iran » Soraya Behnam Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 26, 1981, Mashad, Iran » Shahnush Behzadi Age 15 Occupation high school student Execution December 6, 1981, Tehran, Iran » Faezeh Bi Hamal Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, August 27, 1981, Babol, Iran » Zahra Bidshahri Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Zahra Bidshahri Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, October 5, 1981, Lar, Iran » Ma’sumeh Darabi Age 17 Execution shooting, October 6, 1981, Ahvaz, Iran » Fatemeh Einy Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Zahra Ekhtiyari Age 16 Execution Iran » Zahra Ekhtiyari Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, October 11, 1982, Bushehr, Iran » Noushin Emami Age 17 Execution Iran » Mariam Erfani Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Vajiheh Erfani Jabari Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fahimeh Esfandiyari Age 16 Execution Iran » Fereshteh Eskandar Pur Age 17 Execution Iran » Azar Fakhrol Shoara Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Afsaneh Farabi Age 12 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Parvin Gilani Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fatemeh Gudarzi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Roya Hajiani Qotb Abadi Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, July 1983, Shiraz, Iran » Maryam Hamedani Age 15 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Farideh Hamzehi Age 17 Execution Iran » Farideh Hamzehi Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 1981, Noshahr, Iran » Farideh Harbeh Age 16 Execution Iran » Sima Hariri Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution death in custody, July 1983, Zanjan, Iran » Farideh Hariyeh Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 17, 1982, Tehran, Iran » Mina Hashemian Age 17 Execution shooting, October 1988, Kermanshah, Iran » Zahra Iranmanesh Age 17 Execution Iran » Mahbubeh Ja’farnejad Age 16 Execution Iran » Mahbubeh Ja’farnezhad Qanatsaz Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 22, 1981, Mashad, Iran » Mojgan Jamshidi Age 14 Execution Iran » Mozhgan Jamshidi Age 14 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, October 1, 1981, Hamedan, Iran » Carla Andrea Josch Age 17 Execution bombing, July 18, 1994, Buenos Aires, Argentina » Sarvenaz Kabiri Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution unspecified execution method, September 29, 1981, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Saiideh Kariman Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Parvin Karimkhani Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Akram Khalili Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 20, 1981, Najaf Abad, Iran » Khatib Shahidi Age 15 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » (Sister) Khatib Shahidi Age 15 Execution other execution method, November 1, 1984, karaj, Iran » Halimeh Khatun Paydar Age 17 Execution Iran » Leila Khoshraftar Azad Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 26, 1981, Mashad, Iran » Mehrnaz Kuhestani Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Shahla Latifi Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Azizeh Madad Pur Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Mona Mahmudnizhad Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution hanging, June 18, 1983, Adelabad Prison, Shiraz, Iran » Nahid Malek Mohamadi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Zohreh Malek Mohamadi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Zahra Malmir Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Soheila Mansurnejad Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Marzadi Age 15 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Jamileh Mazaheri Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fariba Mehrabadi Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Ezat Mesbah Age 15 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fatemeh Mesbah Age 13 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 19, 1981, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Fatemeh Mesgar Khubi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fatemeh Miri-Dodaran Age 17 Execution Iran » Fatemeh Mirzaii Age 14 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Zohreh Mo’tamedi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Ozra Mo’tamedi Fard Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Batul Mobram Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Elaheh Mohabat Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fatemeh Mohabat Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Atieh Moharrer Khansari Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 15, 1981, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Parvaneh Moqarebian Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Farnaz Mostafavi Nuri Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fatemeh Nayeri Age 15 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Esmat Nazari Dust Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Roya Nezakati Roshan Age 17 Execution 1981, Mashad, Iran » Roya Nezakati Roshan Age 17 Execution shooting, December 22, 1981, Mashad, Iran » Nasrin Nur Imani Age 15 Execution hanging, Iran » Soraya Partovi Age 17 Execution Iran » Halimeh Khatun Paydar Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, October 26, 1981, Behbahan, Iran » Azita Peiravi Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 21, 1982, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Mahnaz Peyghami Ashnayi Age 17 Execution Iran » Mahnaz Peyghami Ashnayi Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 6, 1981, Tehran, Iran » Maria Pichka Age 16 Execution Iran » Maria Pichka Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 3, 1981, Babolsar, Iran » Shirin Qanbari Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Nahid Qareguzlu Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Sediqeh Qasemi Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Fatemeh Qezelfarsi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Razieh Qobadpur Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Mariam Qodsima’ab Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, October 6, 1981, Ahvaz, Iran » Shahla Qorbani Age 13 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Maliheh Rahemi Age 16 Execution Iran » Maliheh Raji Nia Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, August 19, 1981, Gorgan, Iran » Marzieh Rezayi Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 21, 1981, Iran » Marziyeh Rezayi Age 16 Execution Iran » Zeynat Rezayi Age 17 Execution Iran » (Sister) Roshanayi Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, June 22, 1982, Tehran, Iran » Azar Rusta’i Azarakhshi Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, 1981, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Sa’id Pur Age 15 Execution Iran » Shahnaz Sa’idi Age 17 Execution Iran » Ma’sumeh Sabzian Age 16 Execution Iran » Mariam Safa’i Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, July 25, 1983, Gorgan, Iran » Atefeh Sahaleh Rajabi Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution hanging, August 15, 2004, Neka, Iran » Fatemeh Sajedi Age 13 Execution Iran » Simin Samadi Age 16 Execution Iran » Jila Sayaf Age 16 Execution Iran » Mina Sha’banpur Age 15 Execution Iran » A’zam Shadbakhti Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution unspecified execution method, August 6, 1981, Arak, Iran Tahmineh Shakeri Age 17 Execution Iran » Sima Tahriri Age 17 Execution Iran » Mahnaz Taqizadeh Age 17 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, December 26, 1981, Mashad, Iran » Nilufar Tashayod Age 15 Occupation high school student Execution shooting, September 20, 1981, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Shahrzad Vahidi Age 17 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Tahereh Vakili Age 16 Occupation high school student Execution unspecified execution method, September 19, 1981, Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran » Fatemeh Yusefi Age 16 Execution unspecified execution method, Iran » Parvaneh Zahiri Age 16 Execution Iran » Un-named person Age 15 Execution unspecified execution method, January 1994, Qazvin, Iran iranrights.org rezaghafari.blogspot.com
19 Jul, 2009
‘I wed Iranian girls before execution’
In a shocking and unprecedented interview, directly exposing the inhumanity of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s religious regime in Iran, a serving member of the paramilitary Basiji militia has told this reporter of his role in suppressing opposition street protests in recent weeks.
He has also detailed aspects of his earlier service in the force, including his enforced participation in the rape of young Iranian girls prior to their execution.
The interview took place by telephone, and on condition of anonymity. It was arranged by a reliable source whose identity can also not be revealed.
Founded by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979 as a “people’s militia,” the volunteer Basiji force is subordinate to the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and intensely loyal to Khomeini’s successor, Khamenei.
The Basiji member, who is married with children, spoke soon after his release by the Iranian authorities from detention. He had been held for the “crime” of having set free two Iranian teenagers – a 13-year-old boy and a 15-year-old girl – who had been arrested during the disturbances that have followed the disputed June presidential elections.
“There have been many other police and members of the security forces arrested because they have shown leniency toward the protesters out on the streets, or released them from custody without consulting our superiors,” he said.
He pinned the blame for much of the most ruthless violence employed by the Iranian security apparatus against opposition protesters on what he called “imported security forces” – recruits, as young as 14 and 15, he said, who have been brought from small villages into the bigger cities where the protests have been centered.
“Fourteen and 15-year old boys are given so much power, which I am sorry to say they have abused,” he said. “These kids do anything they please – forcing people to empty out their wallets, taking whatever they want from stores without paying, and touching young women inappropriately. The girls are so frightened that they remain quiet and let them do what they want.”
These youngsters, and other “plainclothes vigilantes,” were committing most of the crimes in the names of the regime, he said.
Asked about his own role in the brutal crackdowns on the protesters, whether he had been beaten demonstrators and whether he regretted his actions, he answered evasively.
“I did not attack any of the rioters – and even if I had, it is my duty to follow orders,” he began. “I don’t have any regrets,” he went on, “except for when I worked as a prison guard during my adolescence.”
Explaining how he had come to join the volunteer Basiji forces, he said his mother had taken him to them.
When he was 16, “my mother took me to a Basiji station and begged them to take me under their wing because I had no one and nothing foreseeable in my future. My father was martyred during the war in Iraq and she did not want me to get hooked on drugs and become a street thug. I had no choice,” he said.
He said he had been a highly regarded member of the force, and had so “impressed my superiors” that, at 18, “I was given the ‘honor’ to temporarily marry young girls before they were sentenced to death.”
In the Islamic Republic it is illegal to execute a young woman, regardless of her crime, if she is a virgin, he explained. Therefore a “wedding” ceremony is conducted the night before the execution: The young girl is forced to have sexual intercourse with a prison guard – essentially raped by her “husband.”
“I regret that, even though the marriages were legal,” he said.
Why the regret, if the marriages were “legal?”
“Because,” he went on, “I could tell that the girls were more afraid of their ‘wedding’ night than of the execution that awaited them in the morning. And they would always fight back, so we would have to put sleeping pills in their food. By morning the girls would have an empty expression; it seemed like they were ready or wanted to die.
“I remember hearing them cry and scream after [the rape] was over,” he said. “I will never forget how this one girl clawed at her own face and neck with her finger nails afterwards. She had deep scratches all over her.”
Returning to the events of the last few weeks, and his decision to set free the two teenage detainees, he said he “honestly” did not know why he had released them, a decision that led to his own arrest, “but I think it was because they were so young. They looked like children and I knew what would happen to them if they weren’t released.”
He said that while a man is deemed “responsible for his own actions at 13, for a woman it is 9,” and that it was freeing the 15-year-old girl that “really got me in trouble.
“I was not mistreated or really interrogated while being detained,” he said. “I was put in a tiny room and left alone. It was hard being isolated, so I spent most of my time praying and thinking about my wife and kids.”
Neda Agha-Soltan
– Plötsligt hördes ett skott. Neda stod bara en meter ifrån mig. Jag vände mig om och såg då hur blodet pumpade ut ur hennes bröst, precis under halsen. Min erfarenhet sade mig att det var stora kroppspulsådern som var träffad, och lungan, berättade en skakad Arash.
Neda dog bara någon minut efter skottet.
Milisman på motorcykel
– Folk trodde först att skottet hade kommit från ett hustak i närheten, men snart upptäcktes en medlem av Basijmilisen på motorcykel. De stoppade honom och han avväpnades.
Milismannen var enligt Hejazi märkbart rädd och ropade ”Jag ville inte döda henne, jag ville inte döda henne”.
– Folk tog hans id-kort, där det framgick att han tillhör milisen, men sedan lät de honom gå. Någon sade: ”Vi är inte mördare som de, släpp honom!”.
Kommentar: Se på henne! Se på bilden i mitten. Aldrig har jag sett en bild utstråla en sådan skönhet, frid, lycka och kärlek på en och samma gång. Vilken man skulle inte älska henne? Vem skulle inte vilja ha hennes kärlek?
Men hennes öde var inte kärlekens – utan martyrens. Skjuten av ondskans lakejer blev hon symbolen för Irans frihetskamp över hela världen. Nu är du på allas läppar. “Jag är Neda!” “Jag är Neda!” “Jag är Neda!”
Jag är Neda…
Vila i frid
Friheten under attack: F.N resolution – Snart olagligt att kritisera Islam!
“Unless the multiculturalist policy, which has been indirectly facilitating the separatist agenda of radical Islamists, is reversed immediately, we shall wake up and find we have sleepwalked into a situation of apartheid and segregation. If we sleep long enough we may even wake up to find that, like Paris, London is burning. Or that we are living in an Islamic state. “
Källa: THE UK HIJRA AND THE ISLAMIC DOCTRINE OF SACRED SPACE
Ayaan Hirsi Ali:
Därför måste demokratin försvara sig mot islamismen
Publicerad: 2009-01-16, Uppdaterad: 2009-01-17
Radikal islam är det tredje stora hotet mot demokratin efter nazismen och kommunismen. Européernas oförmåga att försvara sina värden mot islamismen förvärrar konflikten och ger fritt spelrum åt kvinnohat, antisemitism och antidemokratiska idéer. Det menar Ayaan Hisri Ali, tidigare parlamentsledamot i Holland, nu bosatt i USA.
Om jag anlände till Holland, Sverige eller USA idag, skulle jag förvånas över hur fridfullt, blomstrande och optimistiskt väst ter sig – lika förvånad som jag för blev för 16 år sedan, när jag för första gången kom hit. Jag skulle imponeras av de rena gatorna, de vackra städerna, och av alla bilar som står parkerade utanför välsituerade hem. Jag skulle också imponeras över hur självklart män och kvinnor interagerar med varandra. Stannade jag lite längre skulle jag fascineras av hur väl de västerländska valen fungerar. I väst är kritik och konfrontationer mellan olika partierna någonting som pågår intensivt, i offentligheten. Politiska rivaler och deras anhängare kan säga vad de vill, till och om varandra – konflikter som i slutända avgörs i vallokalerna.
Kommer du från Afrika, Asien eller Mellanöstern är detta både överraskande och imponerande. Vid en första anblick uppfattar man helt enkelt inte västs demokratier som stadda i något som helst krisläge. De demokratiska värderingarna är alla väl förankrade i det europeiska och amerikanska samhället: i de juridiska systemen, i frihets- och jämlikhetsidealen och i strävan efter att nå kompromisslösningar.
Eller är de verkligen det? Under 30- och 40-talen utmanade nazismen och fascismen definitivt dessa demokratins grundläggande värderingar hos Europas folk och ledare. Men även om Europas ledare väntade för länge med att försvara demokratin, liksom USA som blandande sig i konflikten senare än vad som får anses lämpligt, segrade slutligen de demokratiska värderingarna. Senare innebar Stalin och etablissemangen bakom järnridån ännu en påfrestning för västs rättskänsla. Och trots att stora misstag begicks lyckades ändå väst att slutligen bevara och försvara sina värderingar. Ännu en gång segrade västdemokratin.
I onda såväl som goda tider utmanas de demokratiska ländernas grundvalar, utmaningar som handlar om allt från ekonomiska kriser till naturkatastrofer, om antidemokratiska minoriteter och om de klasskillnader som uppstår när några blir för rika och andra för fattiga. Det är en naturlig del av vari demokratin består.
Idag står de västerländska demokratierna inför en ny lömsk fiende. Idag utmanas det västerländska samhället av ett problematiskt samspel mellan den islamiska fundamentalismen och en utbredd moralisk relativism. Tilläggas bör att kristen såväl som judisk fundamentalism finns representerad i väst – liksom det faktum att varken nazismen eller fascismen har utplånats från den europeiska kartan. På sina ställen pågår en återuppväckelse av den gamla kommunismen. Förespråkare av kollektivistiska ideologier har besvärat väst sedan 1945, och kommer att fortsätta vara ett problem.
Vad särskiljer då förespråkarna för islamisk fundamentalism från andra kollektivistiska dogmatiker? Är de mer ondskefulla, mer destruktiva, och därför ett större hot? Svaret ligger i västs reaktion på den islamistiska utopin.
Den moraliska relativism som vi ser som en reaktion på den islamistiska fundamentalismen är mer djupgående än reaktionerna på de andra fundamentalistiska ideologiföreträdarna. Det är inte svårt att hitta lagar, tidningar, organisationer och universitet vars ambition är att vara vaksamma på skinheads, fanatism och kristen fundamentalism. Det är också möjligt att öppet diskutera och bekämpa dessa samhällsfenomen, nätverk och politiska organisationer. De infiltreras, kartläggs, beskrivs i pressen och ställs inför rätta.
Radikala muslimer åtnjuter däremot privilegiet att verka utan att bli granskade. Radikala muslimska organisationer i väst utvecklar, publicerar och sprider sina idéer helt öppet. De har egna skolor, moskéer och välgörenhetsinrättningar. Här sprids deras intoleranta ideologi; uppfattningar om “vi” mot “dem” och om det judiska hatet. Här förs misogyna åsikter fram och förankras i religionen och den egna religiösa minoriteten.
Dessa välbeställda islamförespråkare riktar in sig på fattiga sårbara sammanslutningar av människor som redan flytt till väst från islamistiska diktaturer. Imamer och mullor i västerländska kostymer utnämner sig själva till representanter för dessa så kallat muslimska gemenskaper. De segregerar och isolerar sedan dessa och indoktrinerar dess invånare med utopistiska idéer om ett islamistiskt världsherravälde.
Sekulära, liberala och demokratiskt skolade ledare i Europa reagerade till en början med att blunda inför denna islamifiering, senare med att underskatta den. Först sedan USA och Europa angripits i en rad terroristattentat uppmärksammades hotet från de islamiska fundamentalisterna. Reaktionen på dessa attacker var dock också relativistisk. I sitt tal efter den 11:e september hävdade till exempel president George Bush att Islam är en fredlig religion, och att attacken utförts av en liten skara islamister som inte är representativa för muslimer och deras värderingar i allmänhet. Europas ledare följde hans exempel. Deras strategi var förståelig. Bara en liten grupp förövare hade utfört attackerna, och det hade inte varit moraliskt försvarbart eller speciellt praktiskt att peka ut världens 1.2 miljarder muslimer som potentiella terrorister. För en demokratisk ledare var det, politiskt sett, en omdömesgill strategi – eftersom den syftade till att skydda Europas muslimer från det övriga samhällets eventuella hatreaktioner på dåden.
Men att, som Bush gjorde, hävda islam som en fredlig religion, är att blunda för några av dess mest grundläggande principer. Det är också att blunda för hur olika dessa principer är de motsvarande i västs demokratier.
Och genom att blunda för detta såg man inte heller vilket genomslag de islamiska fundamentalisterna haft med sina indoktrineringskampanjer – kampanjer som lyckats förena splittrade muslimska grupper runt om i världen.
Den problematiska logiken bakom denna relativistiska reaktion handlar om en sammanblandning av begrepp: Eftersom både islam och demokrati är lika med fred är islam lika med demokrati, resonerar man. Fram till idag har denna relativistiska inställning gett islamistiska krafter i Europa ett enormt socialt och politiskt manövreringsutrymme i jämförelse med andra extrema grupper som nazister, fundamentalistiska kristna och fascister.
Multikulturalismen och den moraliska relativismen är starkare i Europa än i USA. Den amerikanska konstitutionen grundar sig på lättdefinierade värderingar. Även om invandrare kan söka anstånd för att inte behöva uppfylla något av de medborgerliga kraven, måste han eller hon svära sin trohet och lojalitet med konstitutionen. Amerikanska relativister må fördöma och kritisera Vita huset och, som exempelvis Noam Chomsky, anklaga USA för globalt kapitalistiskt förtryck. Radikala muslimska grupper gör också allt de kan för att infiltrera och förstöra USA inifrån. Men jämfört med i Europa, gör den amerikanska konstitutionen det svårare för dessa båda grupper – relativisterna och de radikala muslimerna – att få fotfäste i USA.
Europa är annorlunda. Det finns exempelvis inte något europeiskt konsensus om vad europeiska värderingar är lika med. Det finns heller inga krav på invandrare till Europa om att intygarsin lojalitet med sina nya hemländers styrelseskick.
I oktober förra året var the American Enterpise Institute värd för en tredagarskonferens till vilken europeiska domare, intellektuella och journalister bjöds in för att diskutera medborgarskap och dess olika innebörder. Här kom jag i samspråk med en av Die Ziets redaktörer. Jag föreslog att det vore en god idé om de europeiska medborgarskapen tydligt definierades i förhållande till dem som söker uppehållstillstånd: medborgerliga krav om att leva upp till demokratiska värderingar kring yttrandefrihet, könsmässig och sexuell jämlikhet, osv.
Den tyske redaktören svarade mig hånfullt med en retorisk fråga: Vad innebär det att vara tysk? Vill du att vi ska kräva att våra invandrade medborgare börjar dricka öl och äta korv? Hans inställning var inte obekant, vid flera tillfällen har mina holländska meningsmotståndare försökt utmana min ståndpunkt med liknande retorik: Vad vill du egentligen att vi ska kräva av våra muslimska medborgare? Vill du att de ska gå i trätofflor och börja äta ost?
Till och med vissa ur den franska högern har visat sig osäkra på vari det franska består. Men handlar verkligen det franska bara om att äta grodor och sniglar, och skölja ner det hela med rött vin? Finns det inte någonting mer eller större i den franska identiteten? Är exempelvis ätandet av fisk en viktig punkt när integration och invandring debatteras i den svenska riksdagen? Eller vikten av att rita serier i den danska?
Till en början roades jag av denna trivialisering av medborgarskapsfrågan. Numera är jag djupt oroad över hur européer verkar ha förlorat sin vilja och förmåga att försvara sina demokratier och de värderingar som dessa i grunden vilar på. Generationer som fötts efter 1945 – speciellt i norra Europa – är lite som den tredje generationen i ett familjeföretag som går dåligt. Den första generationen byggde verksamheten. Den andra arbetade hårt för att utveckla affärerna och kommer fortfarande ihåg vad det innebar att vara fattig. Den tredje generationen föddes med ekonomisk säkerhet och saknar därmed oftast ett nödvändigt intresse för verksamheten. De slösar och om du frågar vad själva poängen med deras företag är – och en gång var – svarar de svävande. Ganska snart är de out of business, och någon annan tar över. Det övertagandet kan vara fientligt likaväl som det kan vara vänskapligt.
Europas olika ledare som fötts in i fred, demokrati och utveckling, har också svårt att enas om några gemensamma värderingar. Det ger de fundamentalistiska islamiska krafterna ett enormt försprång. Dessa har nämligen tydliga mål. De har också resurser, och en brinnande övertygelse. De har utvecklat strategier som utnyttjar den europeiska osäkerheten; de predikar, pläderar och kränker för sin sak. Naturligtvis frågar de: Integreras? Vill du att jag ska börja dricka öl och äta korv?
Livet bakom slöjan och dess moraliska implikationer diskuteras aldrig. Om och när islams behandling av kvinnor kommer upp på agendan dribblar man frågan om huruvida slöjan är en religiös eller kulturell symbol. I de muslimska skolorna indoktrineras och manipuleras samtidigt barn till att distansiera sig från de “otrogna”. Pojkar och flickor hålls åtskilda och matas med antijudisk propaganda. Som resultat får vi en generation barn som är födda i Europa och som har europeiska medborgarskap, men som är alienerade från det europeiska samhället. De är människor som uppfostras till att bli rasister och sexister och till att förakta sina ickefundamentalistiska landsmän och -kvinnor. I varje europeiskt land där muslimska särskolor existerar har debatten kring dessa präglats av relativism: Om vi tillåter judiska skolor måste vi tillåta muslimska, punkt slut.
Vad kan göras för att vända denna demokratiska kris? Vad lärde vi oss av åren mellan de stora världskrigen? Hur kan vi ändra den slapphänta attityden gentemot de radikala islamisterna? Det första steget kanske måste handla om att tydligt definiera vad vi vill ha ut av en demokrati. Vara tillräckligt tydliga för att varje europeisk medborgare ska kunna och vilja försvara sina grundläggande rättigheter: sin yttrande- och tryckfrihet, sina lagvunna rättigheter och sin rätt att leva jämlikt sida vid sida.
Fråga er själva följande: Är ni villiga att slåss för och offra er säkerhet – kanske riskera att dö – för dessa rättigheter? Om ert svar är nej har de radikala islamisterna vunnit, eftersom de är beredda att dö för sin sak. Är ni villiga att ett sådant krav ställs på Europas invandrare när dessa ansöker om medborgarskap? Om svaret är nej vinner de fundamentalistiska muslimerna, eftersom de är villiga att dö och döda för sin sak.
Det låter dramatiskt, men så länge inte Europa är villigt att försvara sina frihetliga värderingar till sista blodsdroppe ter sig hennes framtid väldigt mörk. Relativisterna simulerar chock när de hör detta, de förnekar att vi lever i en tid när det är relevant att ställa dessa frågor. Relativisterna byter hellre samtalsämne. För dem som inte anser sig vara relativister, för dem som känner demokratisk stolthet: för er är det dags att ta upp kampen.
Ayaan Hirsi Ali
Källa: Newsmill
Geert Wilders: Freedom of Speech Summit
KORANENS EGENTLIGA BUDSKAP
– Islamkritisk film
Upphovsman: Karl A
Europas islamisering och den västliga civilisationens undergång?
Orginaltitel: Muslim Demographics
Kommentar: denna video för fram budskapet om ett mycket allvarligt problem på ett sätt som förhoppningsvis kan få fler blåögda svenskar att sätta kvällskaffet i vrångstrupen och fundera över vår invandrarpolitik. Det har dock höjts en del kritik över vissa fakta i videon.
Kritiska röster: Robert Parham
Robert Spencer från Jihad Watch Om Organisation Of The Islamic Conference
Robert Spencer Looks At Immigration
“As for the captives, the amir [ruler] has the choice of taking the most beneficial action of four possibilities: the first to put them to death by cutting their necks; the second, to enslave them and apply the laws of slavery regarding their sale and manumission; the third, to ransom them in exchange for goods or prisoners; and fourth, to show favor to them and pardon them. Allah, may he be exalted, says, ‘When you encounter those [infidels] who deny [the Truth=Islam] then strike [their] necks’ ” [Qur’an sura 47, verse 4]
Very graphic video of islamists “striking the neck” here. Varning! Se ej detta om du är känslig eller är under 18 år!
Fler filmer om islam här
Two months of islamic terrorist attacks
Brigitte Gabriel’s experience of the Lebanese/Palestine-Israeli conflict 1970
How islamists took over Libanon. The absence of morale in the arabic mentality.
Stoning of a woman according to Islam
(a true story)
A deep hole is dug in the ground. A 30 year old lady, tied up from feet to shoulders, as a stick, is lowered alive into this hole, in a standing position. Only her neck and head are visible. Can you imagine a human head sticking above ground?
When the order is given, a man throws a fist-sized stone at her protruding head. The stone hits her head with a thud. She screems in pain as the blood oozes down her face. Another man picks up a stone and scraps the side of her head drawing a lateral line of blood. She cries and screems in excruciating pain. Since it is a free for all, a teenage spectator from this open playing field, tries his luck, but misses her head completely. Another aims at her and flings it with force. The stone hits its intended target, her forehead.
She screems and cries loudly for mercy. There is now a gash on her forehead. Blood spurting out, down her eyes, nose, cheeks, mouth and down to the ground. She cries out for mercy but to not avail. The minutes become an hour, between the many misses, scraps, nicks, chips and strikes. Another spectator flings forcefully at her.
The stone hits the bridge of her nose with another thud. She screems again and again. This time the blood comes down from inside and outside her nose. Probably, her nasal bridge-bone is broken, causing the bleeding from inside her nostrils as well. Though her wounds are grave, as you can imagine, her screems by now are not as vociferous as earlier, and her tears help to wash some of the blood on her cheeks. Her vision has completely gone with the blood coating. The next stone hits her again. A piece of flesh pops out. No, its not, oh god, it really can’t be her eye-ball. It is so bloody that you can’t really make out. By this time, blood has covered her entire face and the ground in front of her. She still makes groaning sounds. More time pass. Stoning her, continues. Her sounds are less and less audible. Her face has become unrecognisable. Flesh, like mashed meat is her face, but only more bloody, as she now literally has no human face. Small strips of flesh, like locks of hair are hanging from her. Her head is now droopping forward. At this stage a hit on her make splashes of blood. She has stopped making a sound for the last two stone pelting. Two hours have passed. The Islamic authorities check her neck for pulse. It is still beating but barely, due to the loss of blood. A flesh piece drops off her head, as the stoning process continues.
Finally, death comes to this lady. She is then left there for a few more hours for the spectators to see, because this is a public lesson for all muslim females, who commit adultery. Then her father and relatives are allowed to dig her body, and bring it above ground. Pieces of her flesh, lying on the ground, is collected and because she has no face, it is put back on the front of her head, and bundled up. Now readers, imagine that is your mother, or your daughter, or sister, or even you, yourself.
DNA is not accepted in Islam, but at least 4 witnesses of reputable character, should give testimony of the actual penetration of the sexual intercourse to convict him. You might ask, who has sexual intercourse in front of 4 witnesses? I can also ask you “how can you consider 4 men watching others’ sexual intercourse, as reputable characters?” But, there is no question or denying that this is not a traditonal, customary, cultural or a kangaroo court, but a legal Islamic court, with legal Islamic judges and legal expert Islamic officials, in the muslim state of Bakori ( Nigeria), of the legal Government, democratically elected by the Muslim citizens of this state. These are the undeniable authentic facts, which no amount of words or actions can ever repudiate.
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Muslims who want to live under Islamic Sharia law were told on Wednesday to get out of Australia , as the government targeted radicals in a bid to head off potential terror attacks..
Separately, Gillard angered some Australian Muslims on Wednesday by saying she supported spy agencies monitoring the nation’s mosques. Quote:
‘IMMIGRANTS, NOT AUSTRALIANS, MUST ADAPT.. Take It Or Leave It.
I am tired of this nation worrying about whether we are offending some individual or their culture. Since the terrorist attacks on Bali, we have experienced a surge in patriotism by the majority of Australians. ‘
‘This culture has been developed over two centuries of struggles, trials and victories by millions of men and women who have sought freedom.’
‘We speak mainly ENGLISH, not Spanish, Lebanese, Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, Russian,
or any other language. Therefore, if you wish to become part of our society … learn the language!’
‘Most Australians believe in God. This is not some Christian, right wing, political push, but a fact, because Christian men and women, on Christian principles, founded this nation, and this is clearly documented. It is certainly appropriate to display it on the walls of our
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‘We will accept your beliefs, and will not question why. All we ask is that you accept
ours, and live in harmony and peaceful enjoyment with us.’
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Our Flag, Our Pledge, Our Christian beliefs, or Our Way of Life, I highly encourage you take advantage of one other great Australian freedom, ‘THE RIGHT TO LEAVE’.’
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